Collin

It's fairly basic and from cursory Internet searches it looks like there's plenty of material left uncovered but it's short and very approachable.

It's a shame this book is so damn dry because conceptually it's quite interesting. I like that it poses the question (or at least makes passing gestures at the question): to what degree do we owe moral consideration to future generations? Should we abandon our current civilization's demise and focus solely on preparing for the rebirth of society so as to minimize total suffering? What if the means necessary to accomplish that end are ethically objectionable (e.g., intentionally using religion to subjugate the lower classes)? I also like that it pulls back the camera to showcase a vast landscape of history. Yet at the same time, its episodic format means that it mainly focuses on Great Men of History who end up being out-and-out Gary Stus (I had to put the book down when one character was hoisted into the air and carried out of a courtroom by a chanting posse of fans after DESTROYING his opponent with FACTS and LOGIC). It's a shame because the premise is fertile ground for a story about how human accomplishments are often the result of collaboration by multitudes of individuals across large swathes of both space and time.

Also, holy shit if ever there was a book that could benefit from more female characters, it's this one. I don't think there's a single woman with more than a handful of lines of dialogue and it shows.

tl;dr: It brings up some ideas that I've had a lot of fun tossing around in my head. Much more fun than I had reading the actual book. :\

Finally got around to reading this in its entirety. I shouldn't have waited so long.

Select passages:

- You may well ask: “Why direct action? Why sit ins, marches and so forth? Isn't negotiation a better path?” You are quite right in calling for negotiation. Indeed, this is the very purpose of direct action. Nonviolent direct action seeks to create such a crisis and foster such a tension that a community which has constantly refused to negotiate is forced to confront the issue. It seeks so to dramatize the issue that it can no longer be ignored.
- There are two types of laws: just and unjust. I would be the first to advocate obeying just laws. One has not only a legal but a moral responsibility to obey just laws. Conversely, one has a moral responsibility to disobey unjust laws.
- Over the past few years I have been gravely disappointed with the white moderate. I have almost reached the regrettable conclusion that the Negro's great stumbling block in his stride toward freedom is not the White Citizen's Counciler or the Ku Klux Klanner, but the white moderate, who is more devoted to “order” than to justice; who prefers a negative peace which is the absence of tension to a positive peace which is the presence of justice; who constantly says: “I agree with you in the goal you seek, but I cannot agree with your methods of direct action”; who paternalistically believes he can set the timetable for another man's freedom; who lives by a mythical concept of time and who constantly advises the Negro to wait for a “more convenient season.” Shallow understanding from people of good will is more frustrating than absolute misunderstanding from people of ill will. Lukewarm acceptance is much more bewildering than outright rejection.
- Such an attitude stems from a tragic misconception of time, from the strangely irrational notion that there is something in the very flow of time that will inevitably cure all ills. Actually, time itself is neutral; it can be used either destructively or constructively... Human progress never rolls in on wheels of inevitability; it comes through the tireless efforts of men willing to be co workers with God, and without this hard work, time itself becomes an ally of the forces of social stagnation.
- I stand in the middle of two opposing forces in the Negro community. One is a force of complacency, made up in part of Negroes who, as a result of long years of oppression, are so drained of self respect and a sense of “somebodiness” that they have adjusted to segregation; and in part of a few middle-class Negroes who, because of a degree of academic and economic security and because in some ways they profit by segregation, have become insensitive to the problems of the masses.
- Before closing I feel impelled to mention one other point in your statement that has troubled me profoundly. You warmly commended the Birmingham police force for keeping “order” and “preventing violence.” I doubt that you would have so warmly commended the police force if you had seen its dogs sinking their teeth into unarmed, nonviolent Negroes. I doubt that you would so quickly commend the policemen if you were to observe their ugly and inhumane treatment of Negroes here in the city jail; if you were to watch them push and curse old Negro women and young Negro girls; if you were to see them slap and kick old Negro men and young boys; if you were to observe them, as they did on two occasions, refuse to give us food because we wanted to sing our grace together. I cannot join you in your praise of the Birmingham police department.
- Over the past few years I have consistently preached that nonviolence demands that the means we use must be as pure as the ends we seek. I have tried to make clear that it is wrong to use immoral means to attain moral ends. But now I must affirm that it is just as wrong, or perhaps even more so, to use moral means to preserve immoral ends. Perhaps Mr. Connor and his policemen have been rather nonviolent in public, as was Chief Pritchett in Albany, Georgia, but they have used the moral means of nonviolence to maintain the immoral end of racial injustice.